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In October 2016, FOL development sorted out a course
on the issue, whereby policymakers concurred with common society associations
that the current legitimate structure needs changes.1

 Fol Movement
had demonstrated that they were not mindful of the presence of the Law on
Protection of whistleblowers. Although there is no methodical information with
respect to whistleblowing cases in Kosovo, a minor top at the everyday press
demonstrates that a large portion of essential news-casting in the nation is
based on pilled data. Without a doubt, the condition of media flexibility in
Kosovo enhanced marginally unequivocally because of escalated endeavors of
columnists and editors in the battle against corruption also, composed
wrongdoing, where spilled data was vital. The way that unknown authorities
spill data about wrongdoing to the press, be that as it may, is a result of
connections amongst columnists and the sources and not really one of a boosting
condition for whistleblowing. As the accompanying cases will appear, when
characters of whistleblowers are not kept mystery, striking back happens and
the law neglects to shield whistleblowers from it. Whistleblowing are known to
the Kosovo open, from uncovered data about wrongdoings at the state funded
college, to criminal exercises in the general wellbeing division, to tremendous
costs of open hirelings that are uncovered by the press each week, even though
they may not really be an extraordinary classification by the public. The two
most conspicuous cases, are those of Abdullah Thaçi and Murat Mehmeti, both
uncovering the issues with security structure explained before thus. 2

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Abdullah Thaçi, a representative of Pro Credit Bank in
the town of Prizren, revealed data about bank exchanges of an open authorities
in the Municipality of Prizren demonstrating that the authority had mishandled
open assets. Such an activity, notwithstanding, was taboo by the bank’s inner
guidelines and by Kosovo law. Although Thaçi’s divulgence prompted a
prosecution of the official who was mishandling with open supports, his manager
let go him and sued him for uncovering business insider facts. The Basic Court
of Prizren decided for the bank and rebuffed Thaçi with 5,000 euros. Not one or
the other the Law on Protection of Iwhistleblowers, nor the Constitutional
arrangements on opportunity of articulation were considered by the court amid
the procedures, accordingly it can be presumed that the Kosovo framework
neglected to ensure Thaçi practically speaking. Kosovo Tax Administration
investigator Murat Mehmeti unveiled data about an orderly tax avoidance conspire
set up inside this organization, by his partners, through which many
organizations were benefitting unlawfully. Mehmeti was downgraded from his
position after raising the issues inside and at exactly that point chose for an
open exposure. Albeit no solid striking back against Mehmeti was taken, he
remains deficiently ensured, as the law gives no programmed insurance, nor does
it accommodate antiretaliation measures. These  case draw the subtle elements of a generally
dismal picture with regards to insurance of whistleblowers in Kosovo, as they
show that clueless authorities can’t appropriately execute even those parts of
lawful structure that guarantee essential assurance.3


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