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Currently, the government of Myanmar is shared between the majority political Party the NLD or the National League for Democracy which has cemented majority in both Houses of the Parliament and the Military or famously called the Tatmadaw, which has ruled the country for over 40 years. The challenge that the State Counsellor has today is how her government works with the military and the economy, in which the country do not have substantial infrastructure development and the reliance of the economy to oil exports, which constitutes almost 50% of export, and can halt the economic growth of the country. The recommendation to eliminate these issues is to take develop a national policy on public transport systems, highways, without the reliance on Chinese capital and the most desirable alternative for foreign investment is the Singapore and India, which can help to secure capital to develop the infrastructure, on the other hand diversifying the economy can be helped by legalizing opium and there is significant potential make Myanmar into a narco-tourist destinations like the Netherlands and Portugal. Myanmar has also endemic ethnic issues as home to more than 16 militant ethnic groups, which the military has for some years commenced operations against some of these militant groups, but the previous government in 2015 before the elections signed a ceasefire with eight of these groups. In recent events the military has claimed to take steps to reduce the violence against ethnic minorities the most famous of them called the Rohingya Muslim minority, even though Chin Christian minority and other minority ethnic groups are also targeted, which is disputed by the U.N and has been claimed by U.N as textbook ethnic cleansing in which the government denied strongly. To counter this issue firstly with the Rohingyas is to give them citizenship, repeal the interfaith marriage restriction and protection from violence. Myanmar is a unitary parliamentary constitutional republic, the executive power is exercised de-jure by the current President Htin kyaw, but the dominant figure in the government is the State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi who is also the political leader of the NDL party, the Parliament of Myanmar is called Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, which consist of two houses, the upper house Amyotha Hluttaw or House of Nationalities and the lower house Pyithu Hluttaw or House of Representative in total the seats in the parliament is 664 seats with the upper house 224 seats while the lower house consists of 440 seats. Myanmar’s political culture has been marked by decades of military domination and repressive towards any forms of dissent. Myanmar is Buddhist majority nation and Buddhism has been used as justification by both the NLD and the Tatmadaw government and historically Myanmar has wrongly condemned opposition parties as a threat towards the stability of the nation except when it comes to the Buddhist monks because any opposition against the Buddhist religion may delegitimize the current regime, for instance, British colonial rule and the Japanese occupation in which the monks opposed. The Burman state is influenced by Buddhist philosophy and both the Tatmadaw and NDL has used Buddhism as an instrument to rule the country and to justify their rule. Myanmar’s constitution is in dire need of reforms as the military installed the current constitution in 2008, which give the military 25% of both houses of the parliament, and important cabinet positions that is exclusively reserved for military personnel, like the minister of defense, home affairs, and border security, so the military can effectively block any kinds of constitutional changes that are going to be proposed by the state counsellor and the military has blocked proposed referendum in 2015 to amend the part of the constitution that specify how to change the constitution from 76% of both houses to 70% to make amendment to constitution easier. Proposing the reform is going to be significantly hard but there is an example of this problem and the solution for it. First, Indonesia since the fall of Suharto in 1998, the Indonesian Army enjoyed significant power and reserved about 100 seats in the Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat the Parliament of Indonesia and in the years between 1999 to 2004 both Presidents Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie and Abdurrahman Wahid initiated constitutional reforms with the most active is the former with 50 different new laws and amendments to the Indonesian Constitution of 1945 and the latter with the most antagonistic attitude towards the military, in the end the Indonesian Military supported all constitutional reforms. These reforms to the Indonesian Constitution of 1945 is possible since in the nature of Indonesian parliament with consensus decision making, and public demands of a more accountable and effective parliament   

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